THE CHANGING UNDERSTANDING OF IMMIGRATION Engin Erkiner
Türkçe English Deutsch Italiano Français Ελληνικά Kurdî Español THE CHANGING UNDERSTANDING OF IMMIGRATION Engin Erkiner In this article, the changing understanding of immigration of Turkish political refugees after 1980 will be examined. Lack of life security in Turkey, fascist attacks, wanted people are increasingly As a result of the increase in political migration, especially to West Germany, in the second half of the 1970s It started and continued increasingly until the September 12 coup. After the coup, political migration There would be a big explosion. About two million Turkish workers lived in this country, from almost every political organization. There were people. Political immigrants and Turkish workers had a compatible idea of temporality. For the first one, It had been necessary to come here for a certain period of time, and we would return before too long. Approaches to the host country were based on returning after a short time. For example, language learners were not looked upon favorably. "They will not return, “They are learning.” “Revolutionism cannot be done in Europe” or “revolutionism can only be done here "It can be realized on the basis of support for those who remain in Turkey" was the dominant determination. Because European countries were also described as the "back front". The front was in Turkey, the decisive factor was That was it, and that was the back front. Workers also say that they will return, perhaps not in a short time, but definitely with their families. they were thinking. More and more of them were settling in Germany, and the possibility of return was constantly on the rise. It was decreasing, but they believed that it would be like this. The identification of immigrants among socialists first emerged in the early 1980s. was used. The section of the Revolutionary Worker known as the Tanerists published a few issues of a magazine called Göçmen. and then this group disbanded. FIDEF followed a more consistent policy on this issue. He calls workers in Germany immigrants He argued that these people were permanent. For a large segment of socialists, the immigration designation was an insult. The common statement "We are revolutionaries, not immigrants" shows this. Immigrants were diverse. In addition to the socialists, a small number of MHP members also came to Germany and He was granted political asylum. Additionally, there were many non-political defectors. This people had no political problems in the country, but they moved to Germany – or to a lesser extent to other countries in those years. Going to countries, working, earning money, and returning after buying a car and floor in Turkey they thought. Since European countries gave up recruiting workers, the only way to come was to seek asylum. The success rate was low, but it was worth a try. Immigrant identification involved generalization. Everyone was an immigrant. Socialists here We started to use the term "left immigration" to indicate the difference, but in those years there was interest. It cannot be said that he saw it. In the years when immigration determination was rejected, naturally this was also called left-wing immigration. would be included. In the 1990s, the names of federations and associations gradually changed. The word immigrant started to appear. Previous names necessarily included the word worker. While it was sheltering, it started to be replaced by immigrants. In the past, immigrants were largely workers, but in the following years, class separation began to increase. took place and Turkish employers began to emerge. They were also immigrant employers. In the following years, the immigration determination was accepted. Exile would follow.
